Political science

Monday, 24 December 2012

Ibn Khaldun

He is indeed the one outstanding personality in the history of a civilization whose social life on the whole was 'solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short'. In his chosen field of intellectual activity he appears to have been inspired by no predecessors, and to have found no kindred souls among his contemporaries, and to have kindled no answering spark of inspiration in any successors ; and yet, in the Prolegomena (Muqaddimat) to his Universal History he has conceived and formulated a philosophy of history which is undoubtedly the greatest work of its kind that has ever yet been created by any mind in any time or place. It was his single brief 'acquiescence' from a life of practical activity that gave Ibn Khaldun his opportunity to cast his creative thought into literary shape.

A STUDY OR HISTORY. Vol. III. Arnold ]. Toynbee. Royal Institute of International Affairs and Oxford University Press. p. 321-322.

INTRODUCTION:

Ibn Khaldun is the most important figure in the field of History and Sociology in Muslim History. He is one of those shining stars that contributed so richly to the understanding of Civilization. In order for one to understand and appreciate his work, one must understand his life. He lived a life in search of stability and influence. He came from a family of scholars and politicians and he intended to live up to both expectations. He would succeed in the field of Scholarship much more so than in any other field.

CHILDHOOD AND EARLY YEARS:

He is Abdurahman bin Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Al-Hasan bin Jabir bin Muhammad bin Ibrahim bin Abdurahman bin Ibn Khaldun. His ancestry according to him originated from Hadramut, Yemen. He also traced his ancestry through another genealogy as supplied by Ibn Hazem using his grandfather who was the first to enter Andalusia back to Wail ibn Hajar one of the oldest Yemenite tribe. In either case, the genealogy points to his Arab origin although scholars do question the authenticity of both reports due to the political climate at the time of these reports.[1]

Ibn Khaldun was born in Tunis on Ramadan 1, 732 (May 27, 1332)[2]. He received a traditional education that was typical of his family’s rank and status. He learned first at the hands of his father who was a scholarly person who was not involved in politics like his ancestors. He memorized the Qur’an by heart, learned grammar, Jurisprudence, Hadith, rhetoric, philology, and poetry. He had reached certain proficiency in these subjects and received certification in them. In his autobiography, he does mention the names these scholars.[3]

He continued studies until the age of 19 when the great plague would sweep over the lands from Samarkand to Mauritania. It was after this plague that Ibn Khaldun would receive his first public assignment.[4] This would start his political career that would forever change his life.

IN TUNISIA AND MOROCCO

Ibn Tafrakin, the ruler of Tunis, called Ibn Khaldun to be the seal bearer of his captive Sultan Abu lshaq. It is here that Ibn Khaldun would get first hand look at the inner workings of court politics and the weakness of the government. It would not be long before he would get an opportunity to leave Tunis.[5]

In 1352 (713 A. H.) Abu Ziad, the Emir of Constantine, marched his forces on Tunis. Ibn Khaldun accompanied Ibn Tafrakin with the forces that would ward off Abu Ziad’s attacks. Tunis was defeated and Ibn Khaldun escaped to Aba, where he lived with al-Mowahideen. He would move back and forth through Algeria and settled in Biskra.[6]

At that same time in Morocco Sultan Abu Enan, who had recently settled on the throne of his father, was on his way to conquer Algeria. Ibn Khaldun would travel to Tlemcen to meet the Sultan. Ibn Khaldun mentions that the Sultan honored him and sent him with his chamberlain Ibn Abi Amr to Bougie to witness its submission to Sultan Abu Enan.[7]

Ibn Khaldun would stay in the company of the Chamberlain while the Sultan moved back to the capital, Fez. In 1354 (755 A.H.) Ibn Khaldun would accept the invitation to join the council of Ulama and would move to Fez. He would eventually be promoted to the post of the seal bearer and would accept it reluctantly, because it was inferior to the posts once occupied by his ancestors.[8]

Ibn Khaldun would use his stay in Fez to further his studies. Fez at this time was a capital of Morocco and enjoyed the company of many scholars from all over North Africa and Andalusia. He was also being promoted from one position to another.[9]

Ibn Khaldun was an ambitious young man and at this point of his life, he would begin to engage in court politics. Ibn Khaldun would conspire with Abu Abdullah Muhammad, the dethroned ruler of Bougie who was captive in Fez at that time. Abu Abdullah is from the Banu Hafs which were patrons of Ibn Khaldun’s Family.[10]

Sultan Abu Enan would find out about the conspiracy and would imprison Ibn Khaldun. Abu Abdullah would be released from prison and Ibn Khaldun would linger on for two years. Sultan Abu Enan would fall ill and die before fulfilling his promise to release Ibn Khaldun. The Wazir Al-Hassan ibn Omar ordered the release of Ibn Khaldun who was restored to his former position.[11]

ESCAPE FROM MOROCCO TO SPAIN

The political climate was tense and Ibn Khaldun would again test his fate and conspire against the Wazir with al-Mansur.[12] This loyalty would be short lived too. He would conspire with Sultan Abu Salem who would overthrow Al-Mansur. Ibn Khaldun would get the position of Secretary and the repository of his confidence (Amin as-Sir).[13]

Here Ibn Khaldun would excel in his position and would compose many poems. He would occupy this position for two more years and would then be appointed as the Chief Justice. He would show a great ability in this position. However due to constant rivalry between him and high officials he would lose favor with the Sultan.[14]

However this would not matter because a revolt would take place and Sultan Abu Salem would be overthrown by Wazir Omar. Ibn Khaldun would side with the victorious and would get his post with higher pay. Ibn Khaldun was ambitious as ever and wanted a higher position, namely that of the Chamberlain. For reasons unknown, perhaps he was not trusted, he was refused. This upset him enough to resign his position. This in turn upset the Wazir. Ibn Khaldun would ask to leave Fez and go back to Tunisia and this request would be refused. It was then that he would ask the Wazir’s son-in-law to intercede on his behalf to be allowed to go to Andalusia.[15]

FROM SPAIN TO TUNISIA

Sultan Muahmmad al-Ahmar, the king of Granada, was deposed by his brother Ismail who was supported by his brother-in-law. Sultan Muhammad was a friend of Sultan Abu Salem who helped him when he was deported to Andalusia by Sultan Abu Enan. When Sultan Abu Enan died and Sultan Abu Salem became the ruler that friendship was rekindled. Further when Ismail al-Ahmar was declared king of Granada in a place revolt, Sultan Muhammad took refuge in Morocco with Sultan Abu Salem. They were welcomed with great fanfare, Ibn Khaldun was present at the festivities. Among Sultan Muhammad’s party was his wise Wazir Ibn al-Khatib who developed a close friendship with Ibn Khaldun.[16]

Sultan Muhammad would attempt to restore his throne in Granada through an agreement with Pedro the cruel, the King of Castile. Pedro would delay the execution of the agreement upon hearing of Sultan Abu Salem death. Sultan Muhammad would appeal to Ibn Khaldun to get the assistance from Wazir Omar. Ibn Khaldun would use his influence to help him. Further Ibn Khaldun was entrusted to care for Sultan Muhammad’s family in Fez. The Wazir would grant Sultan Muhammad Ronda and the surrounding country. Sultan Muhammad would continue his efforts and recapture his throne in 1361 (763 A. H.). He would recall his Wazir Ibn al-Khatib.[17]

When the relationship between Ibn Khaldun would turn sour and uncertain he would turn towards Andalusia. He would be welcomed and honored well by Sultan Muhammad who admitted him to his private council. In the following year Sultan Muhammad would send Ibn Khaldun on an Ambassadorial mission to Pedro, the King of Castile. Ibn Khaldun would conclude and peaceful terms between them. Pedro would offer Ibn Khaldun a position in his service and to return to him his family’s former estate at Castile. Ibn Khaldun would decline the offer.[18]

Upon his return from Castile, Ibn Khaldun would offer Pedro’s gift to him to the Sultan and in return, the Sultan would give him the Village of Elvira. Soon Ibn Khaldun would be restless once more and in the following year, he would receive an invitation from his friend Abu Abdullah, who had recaptured his throne at Bougie. Ibn Khaldun left Granada in 1364 (766 A.H.) for Bougie after asking permission to leave from Sultan Muhammad.[19]

ADVENTURES IN NORTH AFRICA

Ibn Khaldun would arrive in Bougie at the Age of 32 years. His plans have finally been realized. The period of imprisonment in Fez did not go to waste. He would enter the city as favorite guest. He would accept the position of Hajib for Emir Muhammad. This life of power would not last long as in the following year Abul Abbas would kill the Emir Muhammad, his cousin. Ibn Khaldun handed the city to him and retired to the city of Biskra. He would continue his political work in relaying the tribes to the service of this Emir or that Sultan. He would continue his practice of shifting loyalties as the times and opportunities afforded him. He would finally retire to a far outpost south of Constantine, fort Salama.[20]

In Fort Salama he would enjoy this peaceful existence and would begin to write down his famous Muqqddimah and first version of his universal history at the age of forty-five years.[21]

He would dedicate his work to the current Emir of Constantine, Sultan Abul Abbas. Tranquility did not last long with Ibn Khaldun, as he needed more reference works which were not available at this far outpost. He used the occasion of the Abul Abbas’s conquest of Tunisia to go to Tunis. This would be the first time he would return to the town of his birth since leaving it over 27 years ago.[22]

There would be political forces at work against him once more and this time before he would fall out of favor he would use a convenient occasion 1382 to leave North Africa behind never to return.[23]

TO EGYPT

Ibn Khaldun was granted permission from Sultan Abul Abbas to go to Hajj. He arrived in Alexandria in October 1382 ( 15^th Shabaan 784 A. H.) at the ripe age of 50. He spent a month preparing to leave for Hajj but was unable to join the Caravan bound for the Holy Lands. He turned towards Cairo instead. Here he wold live his final days. He was warmly welcomed by scholars and students. His fame for his writings had already preceded him. He lectured at Al-Azhar and other fine schools. He would get the chance to meet with Sultan az-Zahir Barquq who would appoint him to teach at the Kamhiah school.[24]

He would enjoy the favors of the Sultan. He would be appointed as a Maliki Judge on the Sultans whim and anger. He would fare well and tried to fight corruption and favoritism. Again conspiracies against him would work its way and he would be relieved of this duty. His relief of duty would coincide with his family’s disaster. The ship carrying his family and belongings would sink in a storm.[25]

It was then that he would take permission to go to the Pilgrimage to the Holy Lands. He would return and be well received and appointed to a teaching position in the newly built school (Bein al-Qasrein) He would lecture in Hadith, particularly Imam Malik’s Muwatta. He would then be appointed to Beibers Sufi institute with a generous salary. The state of affairs of Egypt would be disturbed as a rival of Sultan Barquq, Yulbugha would organize a successful revolt. Sultan Barquq would stage another revolt and would be restored to his former throne. Ibn Khaldun during this period would suffer and would have his position restored to him with the return of the victorious Sultan Barquq to Power.[26]

Ibn Khaldun during this period would devote his time to lecturing and study as wellas to completing his Universal History. After Yulbugha’s revolt, he would write about Asabiyah and its role in the rise and fall of states. He would apply his theory to the Egyptian theater since the time of Salah ad-Din.[27]

After fourteen years since leaving the position of the Chief Maliki judge Ibn Khaldun would reassigned to the post upon the death of the presiding Judge. The state would again fall into disarray upon the death of Sultan Barquq’s and his son’s ascension. Ibn Khaldun would not be a party to these revolts and would ask permission to visit Jerusalem. He would join the Sultan Faraj’s caravan on its way back from Damascus. Again due to political intrigue he would be relived of his duties as judge for the second time. This would not matter because he would be called to accompany the Sultan on perilous Journey with fate to Damascus.[28]

MEETING TAMERLANE

During Ibn Khaldun’s stay in Egypt he would be asked by Sultan Faraj of Egypt to accompany him on his expedition to Damascus. News reports have confirmed the movement of Tamerlane’s war party towards Damascus. Sultan Faraj with his army were on their way to Damascus. It seems that Ibn Khaldun was asked firmly to accompany the Sultan to Damascus.[29]

The Sultan would only stay for two weeks in Damascus, as he had to leave due to rumors that a revolt back in Cairo was in the works. Ibn Khaldun and some notables were left behind in Damascus. It was now up to the leaders of Damascus to deal with Tamerlane. Ibn Khaldun had suggested to them to consider the terms of Tamerlane. It was the task of another Qadi, Ibn Muflih, to discuss the terms with Tamerlane. When Ibn Muflih returned from Tamerlane’s camp, the terms were not agreeable to the residents of Damascus.[30]

Since it was the suggestion of Ibn Khaldun to come to terms with Tamerlane, Ibn Khaldun felt obliged to meet with Tamerlane personally. Ibn Khaldun would leave Damascus and go to the camp of Tamerlane. It is questionable whether he went on his own or in an official capacity. Ibn Khaldun took some gifts with him for Tamerlane and they were well received. Ibn Khaldun would stay in Tamerlane’s camp for thirty-five days.[31]

Over this period, Ibn Khaldun would have many meetings with Tamerlane and they would converse through an interpreter, Abd al-Jabbar al-Khwarizmi (d. 1403). Ibn Khaldun’s account is the only detailed account available. The subjects that they would discuss were varied and some were unrecorded. W. Fischel lists 6 specific topics which they talked about:

1. On Maghrib and Ibn Khaldun’s Land of origin.

2. On heroes in History.

3. On predictions of things to come.

4. On the Abbsid Caliphate

5. On amnesty and security "For Ibn Khaldun and his Companion."

6. On Ibn Khaldun’s intention to stay with Tamerlane.[32]

Ibn Khaldun impressed the conqueror enough to ask him to join his court. Some biographers have suggested that he did and written down his eloquent appeal to return to Egypt to settle his affairs, get his books and family and join Tamerlane. It however is more likely that Ibn Khaldun left on good terms with Tamerlane and have accomplished his mission of extracting favorable terms for the people of Damascus.[33]

Ibn Khaldun’s departing words lend credence to the fact that he would not be returning to his service:

"Is there any generosity left beyond that which you have already shown me? You have heaped favors upon me, accorded me a place in your council among your intimate followers, and shown me kindness and generosity- which I hope Allah will repay to you in like measures."[34]

FINAL DAYS IN EGYPT :

Upon Ibn Khaldun’s return to Egypt, he was restored as the Malikite Qadi. Due to the political situation within the community of Malikite Qadis Ibn Khaldun would be dismissed and reinstated three times during the five-year period. Finally, he died while he was in office on Wednesday March 17^th 1406 (25^th of Ramadan 808). He was buried in the Sufi Cemetery outside Bab an-Nasr, Cairo at the age of seventy-four years.[35]

THE MAGNUM OPUS "AL-MUQADDIMAH"

He would his write his Introduction to his book of universal history in a span of five months.[36] This impressive document is a gist of his wisdom and hard earned experience. He would use his political and first had knowledge of the people of Maghrib to formulate many of his ideas. This document would summarize Ibn Khaldun’s ideas about every field of knowledge during his day. He would discuss a variety of topics. He would discuss History and Historiography. He would rebuke some of the historical claims with a calculated logic. He would discuss the current sciences of his days. He would talk about astronomy, astrology, and numerology. He would discuss Chemistry, alchemy and Magic in a scientific way. He would freely offer his opinions and document well the "facts" of the other point of view. His discussion of Tribal societies and social forces would be the most interesting part of his thesis. He would illuminate the world with deep insight into the workings and makings of kingdoms and civilizations. His thesis that the conquered race will always emulate the conqueror in every way.[37] His theory about Asbyiah (group feeling) and the role that it plays in Bedouin societies is insightful. His theories of the science of Umran (sociology) are all pearls of wisdom. His Introduction is his greatest legacy that he left for all of humanity and the generations to come.

Bibliography

Note that the Photo of original Manuscript on the cover page is cover sheet from the cover of one of the manuscripts that have Ibn Khaldun’s very own handwriting!. [extremely Cool!] Also note that the map of Ibn Khaldun's travels is also from The Muqaddimah by F. Rosenthal. The Portrait of Ibn Khaldun is from the following site: http://www.jamil.com/personalities/ accessed on 5/21/01. The stamps are from the Tunisian Postal authority website accessed on 6/19/01.

Ibn Khaldun, Abdurahman M., Mokaddimat Ibn Khaldoun, Ed. Darweesh al-Jawydi, al-Maktaba al-Asriyah, Sidon-Beirut, 1995.
Al-Asqalani, Ibn Hajar, Ad-Dorar al-Kaminah fi ‘Ayan al-Miah al-Thamina,[the Hidden Jewels in the notables of eight century] a Photostat copy of the Hyderabad edition (1929-1930). Dar Ihya al-Torath al-Araby, Beirut, n.d.
Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, An Introduction to History, Tr. Franz Rosenthal, Bollingen Series XLIII. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1967 3 Vols.
Fischel, Walter J., Ibn Khaldun in Egypt: His public functions and his historical research (1382-1406) A study in Islamic Historiography, University of California Press, Berkeley 1967.
Enan, Mohammad A., Ibn Khaldun: His life and Works, Kitab Bhavan, New Delhi, 1979.
Mahdi, Muhsin, Ibn Khaldun’s philosophy of History: A study in the philosophic foundation of the science of culture, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1957.
Issawi, Charles, An Arab Philosophy of history: Selections from the prolegomena of Ibn Khaldun of Tunis (1332-1406), the Wisdom of the East Series, John Murray, London, 1950.
Lacoste, Yves, Ibn Khaldun: The birth of history and the past of the third world. Tr. David Macy. Verso, London, 1984.
Lawrence, David, Ed., Ibn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1984.
Ibn Khaldun on the Web. (a springboard to links Ibn Khaldunia).
Ibn Khaldun a web biography.

Al Ghazali

Biography of Al-Ghazali Abu Hamid

Abu Hamed Mohammad ibn Mohammad al-Ghazzali, known as Algazel to the western medieval world, born and died in Tus, in the Khorasan province of Persia (modern day Iran) was a Persian Muslim theologian, jurist, philosopher, and mystic.

Ghazali has sometimes been referred to by historians as the single most influential Muslim after the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Others have cited his movement from science to faith as a detriment to Islamic scientific progress. Besides his work that successfully changed the course of Islamic philosophy—the early Islamic Neoplatonism developed on the grounds of Hellenistic philosophy, for example, was so successfully refuted by Ghazali that it never recovered—he also brought the orthodox Islam of his time in close contact with Sufism. The orthodox theologians still went their own way, and so did the mystics, but both developed a sense of mutual appreciation which ensured that no sweeping condemnation could be made by one for the practices of the other.

Life

Al-Ghazali was born in 1058 in Tus, a city in Khorasan province of Persia (Iran). His father, a traditional sufi, died when he and his younger brother, Ahmad Ghazali, were still young. One of their father's friends took care of them for the next few years. Later in 1070, Ghazali and his brother went to Gurgan to get enrolled in a madrassah. There, he studied fiqh (islamic jurisprudence) next to Ahmad ibn Muhammad Radkani and Abu'l Qasim Jurjani. After approximately 7 years of studying, he returned to Tus.

His first important trip to Nishapur occurred around 1080 when he was almost 23 years old. He became the student of the famous Muslim scholar Abu'l Ma'ali Juwayni, known as Imam al-Haramayn. After the death of Al-Juwayni in 1085, Al-Ghazali was invited to go to the court of Nizamul Mulk Tusi, the powerful vizier of the Seljuq sultans. The vizier was so impressed by Al-Ghazali's scholarship that in 1091 he appointed him as chief professor in the Nizamiyya of Baghdad. He used to lecture to more than 300 students, and his participations in Islamic debates and discussions made him popular in all over the Islamic territories.

He passed through a spiritual crisis in 1095 and abandoned his career and left Baghdad on the pretext of going on pilgrimage to Mecca. Making arrangements for his family, he disposed of his wealth and adopted the life of a poor Sufi. After some time in Damascus and Jerusalem, with a visit to Medina and Mecca in 1096, he settled in Tus to spend the next several years in seclusion. He ended his seclusion for a short lecturing period at the Nizamiyyah of Nishapur in 1106. Later he returned to Tus where he remained until his death in December, 1111. He had one son named Abdu'l Rahman Allam.

School affiliations

Al-Ghazali contributed significantly to the development of a systematic view of Sufism and its integration and acceptance in mainstream Islam. He was a scholar of orthodox Islam, belonging to the Shafi'i school of Islamic jurisprudence and to the Asharite school of theology. Ghazali received many titles such as Sharaful A'emma , Zainuddin, and Hujjatul Islam, meaning "Proof of Islam".

He is viewed as the key member of the influential Asharite school of early Muslim philosophy and the most important refuter of Mutazilites. However, he chose a slightly different position in comparison with the Asharites; his beliefs and thoughts differ, in some aspects, from the orthodox Asharite school.
Works

Incoherence of the Philosophers

His 11th century book titled The Incoherence of the Philosophers marks a major turn in Islamic epistemology. The encounter with skepticism led Ghazali to embrace a form of theological occasionalism, or the belief that all causal events and interactions are not the product of material conjunctions but rather the immediate and present will of God.

The Incoherence also marked a turning point in Islamic philosophy in its vehement rejections of Aristotle and Plato. The book took aim at the falasifa, a loosely defined group of Islamic philosophers from the 8th through the 11th centuries (most notable among them Avicenna and Al-Farabi) who drew intellectually upon the Ancient Greeks. Ghazali bitterly denounced Aristotle, Socrates and other Greek writers as non-believers and labeled those who employed their methods and ideas as corrupters of the Islamic faith.

In the next century, Averroes drafted a lengthy rebuttal of Ghazali's Incoherence entitled the Incoherence of the Incoherence; however, the epistemological course of Islamic thought had already been set.

Autobiography

The autobiography Ghazali wrote towards the end of his life, The Deliverer From Error (Al-munqidh min al-?alal; several English translations) is considered a work of major importance. In it, Ghazali recounts how, once a crisis of epistemological skepticism was resolved by "a light which God Most High cast into my breast...the key to most knowledge," he studied and mastered the arguments of kalam, Islamic philosophy, and Ismailism. Though appreciating what was valid in the first two of these, at least, he determined that all three approaches were inadequate and found ultimate value only in the mystical experience and insight (the state of prophecy or nubuwwa) he attained as a result of following Sufi practices. William James, in Varieties of Religious Experience, considered the autobiography an important document for "the purely literary student who would like to become acquainted with the inwardness of religions other than the Christian" because of the scarcity of recorded personal religious confessions and autobiographical literature from this period outside the Christian tradition.

The Revival of Religious Sciences

Another of Ghazali's major work is Ihya' Ulum al-Din or Ihya'u Ulumiddin (The Revival of Religious Sciences). It covers almost all fields of Islamic sciences: fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), kalam (theology) and sufism. It contains four major sections: Acts of worship (Rub' al-'ibadat), Norms of Daily Life (Rub' al-'adatat), The ways to Perdition (Rub' al-muhlikat) and The Ways to Salvation (Rub' al-munjiyat). Many admirable comments were made regarding this book: "If all Islamic sciences were disappeared, they could be taken back from Ihya'u Ulumiddin." He then wrote a brief version of this book in Persian under The Alchemy of Happiness (Kimiya-yi sa'adat).

The Jerusalem Tract

At the insistence of his students in Jerusalem, Ghazali wrote a concise exposition of Islam entitled The Jerusalem Tract.

Ghazali's influence

Ghazali had an important influence on both Muslim philosophers and Christian medieval philosophers. Margaret Smith writes in her book Al-Ghazali: The Mystic (London 1944): "There can be no doubt that Al-Ghazali’s works would be among the first to attract the attention of these European scholars" (page 220). Then she emphasizes, "The greatest of these Christian writers who was influenced by Al-Ghazali was St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274), who made a study of the Arabic writers and admitted his indebtedness to them. He studied at the University of Naples where the influence of Arab literature and culture was predominant at the time." In addition, Aquinas' interest in Islamic studies could be attributed to the infiltration of ‘Latin Averroism’ in the 13th century, especially at [the University of] Paris.

Ghazali's influence has been compared to the works of St. Thomas Aquinas in Christian theology, but the two differed greatly in methods and beliefs. Whereas Ghazali rejected non-Islamic philosophers such as Aristotle and saw it fit to discard their teachings on the basis of their "unbelief," Aquinas embraced them and incorporated ancient Greek and Latin thought into his own philosophical writings.

Ghazali also played a very major role in integrating Sufism with Shariah. He combined the concepts of Sufism very well with the Shariah laws. He was also the first to present a formal description of Sufism in his works. His works also strengthened the status of Sunnite Islam against other schools. The Batinite (Ismailism) had emerged in Persian territories and were gaining more and more power during Ghazali's period, as Nizam al-Mulk was assassinated by the members of Ismailis. Ghazali strictly refuted their ideology and wrote several books on refutation of Baatinyas which significantly weakened their status.

Works in Persian

Al-Ghazali wrote most of his works in Arabic and few in Persian. His most important Persian work is Kimyayé Sa'adat (The Alchemy of Happiness). It is Al-Ghazali's own Persian version of Ihya'ul ulumuddin (The Revival of Religious Sciences) in Arabic, but a shorter work. It is one of the outstanding works of 11th-century-Persian literature. The book was published several times in Tehran by the edition of Hussain Khadev-jam, a renown Iranian scholar. It is translated to English, Arabic, Turkish, Urdu and other languages.

Apart from Kimya, the most celebrated of Ghazali's works in Persian is Nasihatul Muluk (The Counseling Kings), written most probably for Sultan Ahmad Sanjar ibn Malekshah. In the edition published by Jalaluddin Humayi, the book consists of two parts of which only the first can reliably be attributed to Ghazali. The language and the contents of some passages are similar to the Kimyaye Sa'adat. The second part differs considerably in content and style from the well-known writings of Ghazali. It contains the stories of pre-Islamic kings of Persia, especially those of Anoshervan. Nasihatul Muluk was early translated to Arabic under the title al-Tibr al-masbuk fi nasihat al-muluk (The Forged Sword in Counseling Kings).

Zad-e Akherat (Provision for the hereafter) is an important Persian book of Ghazali but gained less scholarly attention. The greater part of it consists of the Persian translation of one of his Arabic books, Bedayat al-Hedaya (Beginning of Guidance). It contains in addition the same contents as the Kimyayé Sa'adat. The book was most probably written during the last years of his life. Its manuscripts are in Kabul (Library of the Department of Press) and in Leiden.

Pand-nama (Book of Counsel) is another book of advice and probably attributed to Sultan Sanjar. The introduction to the book relates that Ghazali wrote the book in response to a certain king who had asked him for advice. Ay farzand (O son!) is a short book of counsel that Ghazali wrote for one of his students. The book was early translated to Arabic entitled ayyuhal walad. His another Persian work is Hamaqati ahli ibahat or Raddi ebahiyya (Condemnation of antinomians) which is his fatwa in Persian illustrated with Quranic verses and Hadiths.

Faza'ilul al-anam min rasa'ili hujjat al-Islam is the collection of letters in Persians that Ghazali wrote in response to the kings, ministers, jurists and some of his friends after he returned to Khorasan. The collection was gathered by one of his grandchildren after his death, under five sections/chapters. The longest letter is the response to objections raised against some of his statements in Mishkat al-Anwar (The Niche of Light) and al-Munqidh min al-dalal (Rescuer from Error). The first letter is the one which Ghazali wrote to Sultan Sanjar presenting his excuse for teaching in Nizamiyya of Nishapur; followed by Ghazali's speech in the court of Sultan Sanjar. Ghazali makes an impressing speech when he was taken to the king's court in Nishapur in 1106, giving very influential counsels, asking the sultan once again for excusing him from teaching in Nizamiyya and refuting the accusations made against him for disrespecting Imam Abu Hanifa in his books. The sultan was so impressed that ordered Ghazali to write down his speech so that it will be sent to all the ulemas of Khorasan and Iraq.

Criticism

Praise for al-Ghazali not withstanding, he also received criticism from within Islam:

Ibn Taymiyyah states:

“If we assume that someone narrated the view of the salaf but what he narrated is far removed from what the view of the salaf actually is, then he has little knowledge of the view of the salaf, such as Abu’l-Ma’aali, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Ibn al-Khateeb and the like, who did not have enough knowledge of hadith to qualify them as ordinary scholars of hadith, let alone as prominent scholars in that field. For none of these people had any knowledge of al-Bukhari and Muslim and their hadiths, apart from what they heard, which is similar to the situation of the ordinary Muslim, who cannot distinguish between a hadiith which is regarded as sahih and mutawatir according to the scholars of hadith, and a hadith which is fabricated and false. Their books bear witness to that, for they contain strange things and most of these scholars of ‘ilm al-kalam (science of kalam) and Sufis who have drifted away from the path of the salaf admit that, either at the time of death or before death. There are many such well-known stories. This Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, despite his brilliance, his devotion to Allah, his knowledge of kalam and philosophy, his asceticism and spiritual practices and his Sufism, ended up in a state of confusion and resorted to the path of those who claim to find out things through dreams and spiritual methods."

Ibn Rushd (Averroes), a rationalist, famously responded that "to say that philosophers are incoherent is itself to make an incoherent statement." Rushd's book, The Incoherence of the Incoherence, attempted to refute Al-Ghazali's views, though the work was not well received in the Muslim community.

Al-Ghazali Abu Hamid's Published Books:
Theology

al-Munqidh min al-dalal (Rescuer from Error)
Hujjat al-Haq (Proof of the Truth)
al-Iqtisad fil-i`tiqad (Median in Belief)
al-maqsad al-asna fi sharah asma' Allahu al-husna (The best means in explaining Allah's Beautiful Names)
Jawahir al-Qur'an wa duraruh (Jewels of the Qur'an and its Pearls)
Fayasl al-tafriqa bayn al-Islam wa-l-zandaqa (The Criterion of Distinction between Islam and Clandestine Unbelief)
Mishkat al-Anwar (The Niche of Lights)
Tafsir al-yaqut al-ta'wil

Sufism

Mizan al-'amal (Criterion of Action)
Ihya'ul ulum al-din, "Revival of Religious Sciences", Ghazali's most important work
Bidayat al-hidayah (Beginning of Guidance)
Kimiya-yi sa'adat (The Alchemy of Happiness) [a résumé of Ihya'ul ulum, in Persian]
Nasihat al-muluk (Counseling Kings) [in Persian]
al-Munqidh min al-dalal (Rescuer from Error)
Minhaj al-'Abidin (Methodology for the Worshipers)

Philosophy

Maqasid al falasifa (Aims of Philosophers) [written in the beginning of his life, in favour of philosophy and presenting the basic theories in Philosophy, mostly influenced by Avicenna's works]
Tahafut al-Falasifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers), [in this book he refutes the Greek Philosophy aiming at Avicenna and Al-Farabi; and of which Ibn Rushd wrote his famous refutation Tahafut al-tahafut (The Incoherence of the Incoherence)]
Miyar al-Ilm fi fan al-Mantiq (Criterion of Knowledge in the Art of Logic)
Mihak al-Nazar fi al-mantiq (Touchstone of Reasoning in Logic)
al-Qistas al-mustaqim (The Correct Balance)

Jurisprudence

Fatawy al-Ghazali (Verdicts of al-Ghazali)
Al-wasit fi al-mathab (The medium [digest] in the Jurisprudential school)
Kitab tahzib al-Isul (Pruning on Legal Theory)
al-Mustasfa fi 'ilm al-isul (The Clarified in Legal Theory)
Asas al-Qiyas (Foundation of Analogical reasoning)

Al - Farabi

al-Farabi, Abu Nasr (c.870-950)

Al-Farabi was known to the Arabs as the 'Second Master' (after Aristotle), and with good reason. It is unfortunate that his name has been overshadowed by those of later philosophers such as Ibn Sina, for al-Farabi was one of the world's great philosophers and much more original than many of his Islamic successors. A philosopher, logician and musician, he was also a major political scientist.
Al-Farabi has left us no autobiography and consequently, relatively little is known for certain about his life. His philosophical legacy, however, is large. In the arena of metaphysics he has been designated the 'Father of Islamic Neoplatonism', and while he was also saturated with Aristotelianism and certainly deploys the vocabulary of Aristotle, it is this Neoplatonic dimension which dominates much of his corpus. This is apparent in his most famous work, al-Madina al-fadila (The Virtuous City) which, far from being a copy or a clone of Plato's Republic, is imbued with the Neoplatonic concept of God. Of course, al-Madina al-fadila has undeniable Platonic elements but its theology, as opposed to its politics, places it outside the mainstream of pure Platonism.
In his admittedly complex theories of epistemology, al-Farabi has both an Aristotelian and Neoplatonic dimension, neither of which is totally integrated with the other. His influence was wide and extended not only to major Islamic philosophers such as Ibn Sina who came after him, and to lesser mortals such as Yahya ibn 'Adi, al-Sijistani, al-'Amiri and al-Tawhidi, but also to major thinkers of Christian medieval Europe including Thomas Aquinas.

1. Life and works

Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Tarkhan ibn Awzalagh al-Farabi was born in approximately ah 257/ad 870. He may rightly be acclaimed as one of the greatest of Islamic philosophers of all time. While his name tends to be overshadowed by that of Ibn Sina, it is worth bearing in mind that the latter was less original than the former. Indeed, a well-known story tells how Ibn Sina sought in vain to understand Aristotle's Metaphysics, and it was only through a book by al-Farabi on the intentions of the Metaphysics that understanding finally came to him. However, unlike Ibn Sina, al-Farabi has left us no autobiography and we know far less about his life in consequence. Considerable myth has become attached to the man: it is unlikely, for example, that he really spoke more than seventy languages, and we may also query his alleged ascetic lifestyle. We do know that he was born in Turkestan and later studied Arabic in Baghdad; it has been claimed that most of his books were written here. He travelled to Damascus, Egypt, Harran and Aleppo, and in the latter city the Hamdanid ruler Sayf al-Dawla became his patron. Even the circumstances of his death are not clear: some accounts portray him dying naturally in Damascus while at least one holds that he was mugged and killed on the road from Damascus to Ascalon.
Al-Farabi became an expert in philosophy and logic, and also in music: one of his works is entitled Kitab al-musiqa al-kabir (The Great Book of Music). However, perhaps the book for which he is best known is that whose title is abbreviated to al-Madina al-fadila (The Virtuous City), and which is often compared, misleadingly in view of its Neoplatonic orientation, to Plato's Republic. Other major titles from al-Farabi's voluminous corpus included the Risala fi'l-'aql (Epistle on the Intellect), Kitab al-huruf (The Book of Letters) and Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum (The Book of the Enumeration of the Sciences).

2. Metaphysics

Majid Fakhry (1983) has described al-Farabi as 'the founder of Arab Neo-Platonism and the first major figure in the history of that philosophical movement since Proclus'. This should be borne in mind as we survey the metaphysics of the philosopher whom the Latin Middle Ages knew as Abunaser and whom the Arabs designated the 'Second Master' (after Aristotle). It should be noted that al-Farabi was an Aristotelian as well as a Neoplatonist: he is said, for example, to have read On the Soul two hundred times and even the Physics forty times. It should then come as no surprise that he deploys Aristotelian terminology, and indeed there are areas of his writings that are quite untouched by Neoplatonism. Furthermore, al-Farabi tried to demonstrate the basic agreement between Aristotle and Plato on such matters as the creation of the world, the survival of the soul and reward and punishment in the afterlife. In al-Farabi's conception of God, essence and existence fuse absolutely with no possible separation between the two. However, there is no getting away from the fact that it is the Neoplatonic element which dominates so much else of al-Farabi's work. We see this, for example, in the powerful picture of the transcendent God of Neoplatonism which dominates al-Madina al-fadila. We see this too in al-Farabi's references to God in a negative mode, describing the deity by what he is not: he has no partner, he is indivisible and indefinable. And perhaps we see the Neoplatonic element most of all in the doctrine of emanation as it is deployed in al-Farabi's hierarchy of being.
At the top of this hierarchy is the Divine Being whom al-Farabi characterizes as 'the First'. From this emanates a second being which is the First Intellect. (This is termed, logically, 'the Second', that is, the Second Being). Like God, this being is an immaterial substance. A total of ten intellects emanate from the First Being. The First Intellect comprehends God and, in consequence of that comprehension, produces a third being, which is the Second Intellect. The First Intellect also comprehends its own essence, and the result of this comprehension is the production of the body and soul of al-sama' al-ula, the First Heaven. Each of the following emanated intellects are associated with the generation of similar astral phenomena, including the fixed stars, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury and the Moon. Of particular significance in the emanationist hierarchy is the Tenth Intellect: it is this intellect which constitutes the real bridge between the heavenly and terrestrial worlds. This Tenth Intellect (variously called by the philosophers the active or agent intellect in English, the nous poiétikos in Greek, the dator formarum in Latin and the 'aql al-fa''al in Arabic) was responsible both for actualizing the potentiality for thought in man's intellect and emanating form to man and the sublunary world. With regard to the latter activity, it has been pointed out that here the active intellect takes on the role of Plotinus' Universal Soul (see Plotinus).
In Farabian metaphysics, then, the concept of Neoplatonic emanation replaces that of Qur'anic creation ex nihilo (see Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy §2). Furthermore, the Deity at the top of the Neoplatonic hierarchy is portrayed in a very remote fashion. Al-Farabi's philosophers' God does not act directly on the sublunary world: much is delegated to the Active Intellect. However, God for al-Farabi certainly has an indirect 'responsibility' for everything, in that all things emanate from him. Yet we must also note, in order to present a fully rounded picture, that while it is the Neoplatonic portrait of God which dominates al-Farabi's writings, this is not the only picture. In some of his writings the philosopher does address God traditionally, Qur'anically and Islamically: he does invoke God as 'Lord of the Worlds' and 'God of the Easts and the Wests', and he asks God to robe him in splendid clothes, wisdom and humility and deliver him from misfortune. Yet the overwhelming Neoplatonic substratum of so much else of what he writes fully justifies Fakhry's characterization of al-Farabi, cited earlier, as 'the founder of Arab Neo-Platonism'.

3. Epistemology

Farabian epistemology has both a Neoplatonic and an Aristotelian dimension. Much of the former has already been surveyed in our examination of al-Farabi's metaphysics, and thus our attention turns now to the Aristotelian dimension. Our three primary Arabic sources for this are al-Farabi's Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum, Risala fi'l-'aql and Kitab al-huruf.
It is the second of these works, Risala fi'l-'aql, which provides perhaps the most useful key to al-Farabi's complex theories of intellection. In this work he divides 'aql (intellect or reason) into six major categories in an attempt to elaborate the various meanings of the Arabic word 'aql. First, there is what might be termed discernment or prudence; the individual who acts for the good is characterized by this faculty, and there is clearly some overlap with the fourth kind of intellect, described below. The second of al-Farabi's intellects is that which has been identified with common sense; this intellect has connotations of 'obviousness' and 'immediate recognition' associated with it. Al-Farabi's third intellect is natural perception. He traces its source to Aristotle's Posterior Analytics, and it is this intellect which allows us to be certain about fundamental truths. It is not a skill derived from the study of logic, but it may well be inborn. The fourth of the six intellects may be characterized as 'conscience': this is drawn by the philosopher from Book VI of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics. It is a quality whereby good might be distinguished from evil and results from considerable experience of life (see Aristotle §§18-21).
Al-Farabi's fifth intellect is both the most difficult and the most important. He gives most space to its description in his Risala fi'l-'aql and considers it to be of four different types: potential intellect, actual intellect, acquired intellect and agent or active intellect. 'Aql bi'l-quwwa (potential intellect) is the intellect which, in Fakhry's words, has the capacity 'of abstracting the forms of existing entities with which it is ultimately identified' (Fakhry 1983: 121). Potential intellect can thus become 'aql bi'l-fi'l (actual intellect). In its relationship to the actual intellect, the third sub-species of intellect, 'aql mustafad (acquired intellect) is, to use Fakhry's words again, the 'the agent of actualization' to the actualized object. Finally, there is the 'aql al-fa''al (agent or active intellect), which was described in §2 above and need not be elaborated upon again.
The sixth and last of the major intellects is Divine Reason or God himself, the source of all intellectual energy and power. Even this brief presentation of Farabian intellection must appear complex; however, given the complexity of the subject itself, there is little option.
The best source for al-Farabi's classification of knowledge is his Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum. This work illustrates neatly al-Farabi's beliefs both about what can be known and the sheer range of that knowledge. Here he leaves aside the division into theological and philosophical sciences which other Islamic thinkers would use, and divides his material instead into five major chapters. Through all of them runs a primary Aristotelian stress on the importance of knowledge. Chapter 1 deals with the 'science of language', Chapter 2 formally covers the 'science of logic', Chapter 3 is devoted to the 'mathematical sciences', Chapter 4 surveys physics and metaphysics, and the final chapter encompasses 'civil science' (some prefer the term 'political science'), jurisprudence and scholastic theology. A brief examination of these chapter headings shows that a total of eight main subjects are covered; not surprisingly, there are further subdivisions as well. To give just one example, the third chapter on the mathematical sciences embraces the seven subdivisions of arithmetic, geometry, optics, astronomy, music, weights and 'mechanical artifices'; these subdivisions in turn have their own subdivisions. Thus al-Farabi's epistemology, from what has been described both in this section and §2 above, may be said to be encyclopedic in range and complex in articulation, with that articulation using both a Neoplatonic and an Aristotelian voice.

4. Political philosophy

The best known Arabic source for al-Farabi's political philosophy is al-Madina al-fadila. While this work undoubtedly embraces Platonic themes, it is in no way an Arabic clone of Plato's Republic. This becomes very clear right at the beginning of al-Farabi's work, with its description of the First Cause (Chapters 1-2) and the emanation of 'the Second' from 'The First' (Chapter 3). Later in the work, however, al-Farabi lays down in Platonic fashion the qualities necessary for the ruler: he should be predisposed to rule by virtue of an innate disposition and exhibit the right attitude for such rule. He will have perfected himself and be a good orator, and his soul will be, as it were, united to the active intellect (see §3). He will have a strong physique, a good understanding and memory, love learning and truth and be above the materialism of this world. Other qualities are enumerated by al-Farabi as well, and it is clear that here his ideal ruler is akin to Plato's classical philosopher-king (see Plato §14).
Al-Farabi has a number of political divisions for his world. He identifies, for example, three types of society which are perfect and grades these according to size. His ideal virtuous city, which gives its name to the whole volume, is that which wholeheartedly embraces the pursuit of goodness and happiness and where the virtues will clearly abound. This virtuous city is compared in its function to the limbs of a perfectly healthy body. By stark contrast, al-Farabi identifies four different types of corrupt city: these are the ignorant city (al-madina al-jahiliyya), the dissolute city (al-madina al-fasiqa), the turncoat city (al-madina al-mubaddala) and the straying city (al-madina al-dalla). The souls of many of the inhabitants of such cities face ultimate extinction, while those who have been the cause of their fall face eternal torment. In itemizing four corrupt societies, al-Farabi was surely aware of Plato's own fourfold division of imperfect societies in the Republic into timarchy, oligarchy, democracy and tyranny. The resemblance, however, is more one of structure (four divisions) rather than of content.
At the heart of al-Farabi's political philosophy is the concept of happiness (sa'ada). The virtuous society (al-ijtima' al-fadil) is defined as that in which people cooperate to gain happiness. The virtuous city (al-madina al-fadila) is one where there is cooperation in achieving happiness. The virtuous world (al-ma'mura al-fadila) will only occur when all its constituent nations collaborate to achieve happiness. Walzer reminds us that both Plato and Aristotle held that supreme happiness was only to be gained by those who philosophized in the right manner. Al-Farabi followed the Greek paradigm and the highest rank of happiness was allocated to his ideal sovereign whose soul was 'united as it were with the Active Intellect'. But Walzer goes on to stress that al-Farabi 'does not confine his interest to the felicity of the first ruler: he is equally concerned with the felicity of all the five classes which make up the perfect state' (Walzer, in introduction to al-Madina al-fadila (1985: 409-10)). Farabian political philosophy, then, sits astride the saddle of Greek eudaimonia, and a soteriological dimension may easily be deduced from this emphasis on happiness. For if salvation in some form is reserved for the inhabitants of the virtuous city, and if the essence of that city is happiness, then it is no exaggeration to say that salvation is the reward of those who cooperate in the achievement of human happiness. Eudaimonia/sa'ada becomes a soteriological raft or steed.

5. Influence

The impact of al-Farabi's work on Ibn Sina was not limited merely to illuminating Aristotle's Metaphysics. It was with good reason that al-Farabi was designated the 'Second Master' (after Aristotle). One modern scholar recently acknowledged the dependence of Ibn Sina on al-Farabi in a book dealing with both which he entitled The Two Farabis (Farrukh 1944). And if Aquinas (§9) did not derive his essence-existence doctrine from al-Farabi but from the Latinized Ibn Sina, as is generally assumed, there is no doubt that Farabian concepts of essence and existence provided a base for the elaborated metaphysics of Ibn Sina and thence of Aquinas. Finally, the briefest of comparisons between the tenfold hierarchy of intellection produced by al-Farabi and the similar hierarchy espoused by Ibn Sina, each of which gives a key role to the Tenth Intellect, shows that in matters of emanation, hierarchy and Neoplatonic intellection, Ibn Sina owes a considerable intellectual debt to his predecessor.
Al-Farabi influenced many other thinkers as well. A glance at the period between ah 256/ad 870 and ah 414/ad 1023 and at four of the major thinkers who flourished in this period serves to confirm this: Yahya ibn 'Adi, Abu Sulayman al-Sijistani, Abu 'l-Hasan Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-'Amiri and Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi may all be said to constitute in one form or another a 'Farabian School'. The Christian Monophysite Yahya ibn 'Adi studied in Baghdad under al-Farabi and others. Like his master, Yahya was devoted to the study of logic; like his master also, Yahya held that there was a real link between reason, ethics and politics. Al-Sijistani was a pupil of Yahya's and thus at one remove from al-Farabi; nonetheless, he shared in both his master's and al-Farabi's devotion to logic, and indeed was known as al-Sijistani al-Mantiqi (The Logician). In his use of Platonic classification and thought, al-Sijistani reveals himself as a true disciple of al-Farabi. Although al-'Amiri appears to speak disparagingly of al-Farabi at one point, there can be no doubt about al-Farabi's impact on him. Indeed, al-'Amiri's works combine the Platonic, the Aristotelian and the Neoplatonic. Finally, Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, a pupil of both Yahya and al-Sijistani, stressed, for example, the primacy of reason and the necessity of using logic. Like others of the Farabian School outlined above, al-Tawhidi contributed towards a body of thought the primary constituents of which were the soteriological, the ethical and the noetic.
See also: Aristotelianism in Islamic philosophy; Greek philosophy: impact on Islamic philosophy; Ibn Sina; Logic in Islamic philosophy; Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy; Political philosophy in classical Islam

List of works

al-Farabi (c.870-950) al-Madina al-fadila (The Virtuous City), trans. R. Walzer, Al-Farabi on the Perfect State: Abu Nasr al-Farabi's Mabadi' Ara Ahl al-Madina al-Fadila, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985. (Revised with introduction and commentary by the translator.)al-Farabi (c.870-950) Risala fi'l-'aql (Epistle on the Intellect), ed. M. Bouyges, Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique, 1938. (A seminal text for the understanding of Farabian epistemology.)al-Farabi (c.870-950) Kitab al-huruf (The Book of Letters), ed. M. Mahdi, Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq, 1969. (Modelled on Aristotle's Metaphysics, but of interest to students of linguistics as well as of philosophy.)al-Farabi(c. 870-950) Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum (The Book of the Enumeration of the Sciences), ed. and trans. A. González Palencia, Catálogo de las Ciencias, Arabic text with Latin and Spanish translation, Madrid: Imprenta y Editorial Maestre, 1953. (A survey of the learned sciences of the day, of encyclopedic range.)al-Farabi (c.870-950) Kitab al-musiqa al-kabir (The Great Book of Music), ed. G.A. Khashab and M.A. al-Hafni, Cairo: Dar al-Katib al-'Arabi, 1967. (Al-Farabi's major contribution to musicology.)

References and further reading

Alon, I. (1990) 'Farabi's Funny Flora: Al-Nawabit as Opposition', Arabica 37: 56-90. (Highly creative discussion of the links between the philosophical terminology of Ibn Bajja and al-Farabi, which brings out the complexity of the theological and political ramifications of such language.)Black, D. (1996) 'Al-Farabi', in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 12, 178-97. (Account of the thought and main works of al-Farabi.)Fakhry, M. (1983) A History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Longman; New York: Columbia University Press, 2nd edn. (An excellent standard introduction to the field. See especially pages 107-128.)Farrukh, U. (1944) Al-Farabiyyan (The Two Farabis), Beirut. (Ibn Sina's dependence on al-Farabi, as mentioned in §5.)Galston, M. (1990) Politics and Excellence: The Political Philosophy of Alfarabi, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. (A major analysis of an important aspect of Farabian philosophy.)Netton, I.R. (1989) Allah Transcendent: Studies in the Structure and Semiotics of Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Cosmology, London and New York: Routledge. (Contains a wide-ranging chapter on al-Farabi, see pages 99-148. This volume was later published in paperback by Curzon Press in 1994.)Netton, I.R. (1992) Al-Farabi and His School, Arabic Thought and Culture Series, London and New York: Routledge. (Assesses the philosopher through an epistemological lens.)

POLITICAL SOCIETY

Man needs the help of his fellowmen to attain the perfection proper to his nature. Unlike the brute, man is not equipped by nature with all that is necessary for the preservation and development of his being. It is only through society that he finds a complete satisfaction of his physical, intellectual and moral needs. Hence, it follows, that society is natural to man.

These are Alfarabi's words. And according to him society is either perfect or imperfect. Perfect society is of three kinds: the highest, the intermediate and the lowest. The highest is the whole inhabited earth coming under one political organization. The intermediate is a nation occupying a specific place of the inhabited earth. The lowest is a city which represents a fraction of the territory of a nation.

Imperfect society is of three kinds: the village, the suburb of a city and the home. These are merely steps leading to the organization of the state.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MODEL STATE

Alfarabi describes the organization of a model state in these words:

Just as the world is one harmonious whole ruled by the highest authority of God; just as the stars and the sub-lunar world are linked up and follow one another; just as the human soul is one in different powers; just as the human body is an organized whole moved by the heart; in like manner the state is to be regulated and patterned after these noble models.

In the model state there must be a hierarchy of rulers coming under the control of a supreme head or prince. This prince, head of the model state or of the whole

earth, must possess certain traits: great intelligence, excellent memory, eloquence, firmness without weakness, firmness in the achievement of good, love for justice, love for study, love for truth, aversion to falsehood, temperance in food, drink and enjoyments, and contempt for wealth.

All these traits must be found in one man alone placed in charge of directing the complicated machinery of the state. In case all these traits cannot be found in one man alone, then inquiry should be made to determine whether there are two or more who possess the required traits jointly. If there are two, they should both rule the model state. If there are three, then these three should rule. If more are needed, more should rule.

Thus the government by one man alone winds up in an aristocratic republic.

He continues:

Opposed to the model state are: the ignorant state, the perverted state and the mistaken state. The ignorant state is the state that has no knowledge of true happiness, and very often exchanges it for health, wealth and pleasure. Thus, it is the ignorant state which has for its end the acquisition of things, such as food, clothing and shelter; it is the ignorant state which has for its end the enjoyment of eating and drinking, sensual pleasures, amusements and games; it is the ignorant state which has for its end the seeking of praise and the making of a name; it is the ignorant state which believes in false liberty, by which everyone can do as he pleases; it is the ignorant state which pursues imperial-ism as a national policy, namely, the will of conquering people and nations by fire and sword.

The perverted state is the state that maintains a conduct similar to that of the ignorant state, even though it knows what is true happiness and perfection.

The mistaken state is the state that has wrong ideas about God and happiness.

Alfarabi, in his conception of the state, shows a mystico-philosophical belief in the absorption of the human spirit into the world spirit, and finally into God. In fact, he says:

The goal of the model state is not only to procure the

material prosperity of its citizens, but also their future destiny. The souls of the citizens of the ignorant state are devoid of reason, and will return to the material elements as sensible forms in order to be united again to other beings, animals or plants.

In both the perverted and mistaken states, the ruler alone is to be held responsible, and he will be punished accordingly in the world hereafter; and the souls which have been led into error share the fate of the citizens of the ignorant state. On the other hand, the good souls will enter the world of pure spirits, and the higher their knowledge in this life, the higher their position after death.

I cannot help quoting the following passage where Alfarabi shows these good souls in possession of their supreme good:

When a great number of men have passed away, and their bodies are annihilated, and their souls made happy, other men will follow them. When these have also passed away and attained the happiness they longed for, each of them joins the one he is similar to in kind and degree. These souls join one another as an intelligible joins an intelligible. In proportion as the souls in-crease in number and are united to one another, in the same proportion their happiness increases, for, each one, thinking of his substance, thinks of a great many similar substances, and the object of such thinking goes on increasing indefinitely with the arrival of new souls.

The political theory of Alfarabi is a mixture of Platonic and Aristotelian elements. The main Platonic element is to put all humanity in one universal state. For him, the state as it exists now, is not the model state. The model state, not yet realized, is organized humanity which is not circumscribed by national boundaries. It is likened to a family which has in heaven the same Creator and Father, and on earth the same forebears. In such a family there can be no wars, simply because the vision now of each and everyone is not a particular nation, but humanity; not a particular king, but God.

Such a political conception on the part of Alfarabi might surprise the reader, for, we are wont to think that no one could

ever dream of putting the whole world under one political organization, unless that came as a result of the progress of civilization. But it is not so. Just as the idea of political universality was contained in the imperialism of Alexander the Great, and later in the Roman imperialism, in like manner it was contained in the theocratic Moslem conception. And history bears this out.

Furthermore, Alfarabi tempers the ideal state of Plato with some Aristotelian elements, such as private property and the monarchic form of government. This, however, could be easily changed to an aristocratic republic if the required intellectual and moral traits of the chief executive cannot be found but in a few persons.

In one word, our philosopher envisaged the many nations of the world as welded together into one political organization under a wise ruler.